Book review, Democracy , Economics, EU – Baltic States
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Friday, 19.04.2024, 18:21
Towards a shared European destiny: resolving identities and conflicts
Among
the EU states, Denmark is notoriously famous for numerous “reservations” in common
European cooperative/integration efforts (e.g. in judicial and immigration
sectors, in common defense and monetary spheres, alongside with the UK and
Sweden, for the latter).
However, Denmark has been always the most active in
numerous sectors of the EU’s socio-economic integration, being its member since
1973. Hence, the interest Danish scientists indulge in revealing deeper and
inner roots in present European cultural integration through understanding of a
European identity.
Quite true, modern EU’s efforts in “unification” require a more critical understanding of conflicts, of complex and ambiguous European past, as well as “Europe as an idea” in European versus national identities. The book, which is published in the series of Studies in European Cooperation, is a good CBS’ effort in understanding European narrative for the next steps in the EU integration.*)
*) Europæiske faelleskaber? Identiter, fortællinger
og konflikter i Europa. –Jurist og
Økonomforbundets Forlag, Copenhagen, 2015.
(Eds. Baron I., Herslund M., &
Humlebæk C.).-256 pp.
[English title: European Communities? Identities, Narratives and Conflicts in Europe].
It seems apparent, that for
the next decades, the European Union will be both more forward looking and more
outward looking. The EU is deemed to serve as a powerful instrument for the European
member states to unite their efforts in shaping globalisation’s process and in
defending European common values.
The
world is changing very fast and the EU states (often through the EU
institutions) can play a fundamental role in shaping these changes. However, only
united and with stronger common institutions, will they be able to tackle modern
challenges: e.g. the aftermath of economic and financial crises, the resource
scarcity and climate change, the world poverty and underdevelopment, etc.
And
more, together, the EU member states will also create better conditions to
protect European shared values as well as keep, while reforming, a working European
social market economic model and the most important features of the European
way of life.
But all this is only possible in finding out the European identity; the authors of the book are showing most feasible prerequisites in finding such identities both for the whole region and for the individual states.
Identity at a national and EU level
The present
“critical time” in the EU could be analysed from numerous points; the authors
have chosen “the identity” as a focal one. The approach could not be more correct:
some recent books already underlined identity issue as a “contradictory
theoretical burden” (R. Brubaker & F. Cooper, 2008) being widely used in
both political and cultural debates.
Quite
natural, homogeneous societies do not experience “identity problems”; it’s the
legacy of multi-national and ethically-polarized societies. It is becoming
understandable, for instance, that such “structural split” makes in some new EU
states, e.g. in Latvia, the “collective identity” a politically problematic
issue. The problem is depicted and analysed in the book’s first chapter exemplifying
similar problems in Basks’ regions in Spain (p. 64-70) and Scots in the United
Kingdom (p.43-62), etc. coped with ethnic, linguistic and cultural identities.
The phenomenon is far from being resolved; it is clearly seen in the Baltic States, i.e. in particular, in Latvia with a solid share of Russian “minorities” (about 35% of total population).
More
than that, identity is in reality a burning European issue: suffice it to say,
that there is an EU member state with a genuinely unresolved 40-year conflict
between the two “identities” (Greek & Turkish) in a small island, Cyprus.
Regardless of an existing (so far) political will from both sides of the
conflict, the differences are still irrevocable.
Fortunately,
there are quite a few multi-national states in the EU: the latter few resolve
“the problem” by referring to different forms of federalism and regional
autonomy.
By
inaugurating “General Assembly of culture and thinking on Europe” (April 2013),
the Commission tried to “acknowledge a sense of belonging to a (European) community,
which is bigger than the nation or the region, a sense of shared European
destiny”; both are to be achieved while drawing common rules and institutions.
Reference: Speech by President Barroso “A new narrative for Europe”, BOZAR/Brussels, 23 April 2013.
Identity within “center-periphery” issues
No
doubt, it’s easier to resolve the “center-periphery” issue in the homogeneous
states (like, e.g. in Denmark), though regional controversies do exist:
however, they are of a different nature (development priorities, level of
financing, taxation, etc.).
The authors
are quite right, i.e. it is tremendously difficult to find a decision when placing
the issue in the EU’s “democratic project” (chapter 2), with enormous
complications involved in resolution and management. Obviously, historic
reminiscences into the evolution of European Communities and the present
European Union’s “democratic deficit” help to see the general trend, i.e.
towards more democracy. But it’s a hell of difficult for the practical
imposition of the principle both in the work of EU institutions and through the
member states’ participation in the implementation process.
In
this regard, the book raises an important agenda for future discussion: “Europe
of states” vs. “Europe of nations”. Most of the existing states in Europe have
been formed by the nation-state model (the statehood institutions followed the
centuries-old nation’s formation), which has been true for such nation-states
as the UK, France, Germany, Italy and other central European entities.
Several Eastern European states, particularly the Baltic States, have experienced another historic process: initially, the statehood institutions “formalized” these statehood structures, with the nation-formation process being followed. One can say that these states are in the process of “collective identity’s” formation. Probably this historic transformation forms the background of all modern identity problems in this part of Europe.
Conflicts through identity
The
least elaborate issue –out of three mentioned in the book’s title, so-called “conflicts
in Europe” is actually described in the third book’s chapter (pp. 137-177). Here
the authors stick to the European identity “as a project between politics and
culture”. Describing recent European Commission’s efforts during 2007-14 in
overcoming democratic deficit in the EU-member states’ relations (p.173-176)
the authors are arriving at a conclusion that the lack of “common European
language” is the stumbling block in the European identity (p.177). It is highly
unlikely the EU will reduce the number of official EU languages numbering 24 at
present; some say that about a billion for translation in the EU is “the price
for democracy” and national identity…
However,
the language issues as both an actor
and an agent in the “national
presentation” are discussed in the 4th chapter.
In
this regard, it is well-worth mentioning that, for example, according to J. Habermas, the best way out of the EU’s
“troubles” is the European citizens’ approach to the EU as a political community, which could permanently guarantee their
fundamental social, political and civil rights in a democratic manner.
He noted a few years ago, that experts seemed to agree on “the
diagnosis of the deeper reasons for the crisis, i.e. the EU lacks the
competences to bring about the necessary harmonization of the national
economies” (Habermas J.,2012, p.3).
Habermas Jürgen. The Crisis of the European Union. A Response.
2012. English edition. Transl. – Polity Press, UK, 2012. –168 pp. The book
was first published in German –Zur Verfassung Europas. Ein Essay, Verlag
Berlin 2011.
See my review in: eng/book_review/?doc=81367&ins_print.
At times, when Europe seems to shift between integration and
fragmentation, there is a need for a clear view on European political plans,
options and intentions. Thus, the EU leaders constantly underline that present
European integration program has to show that “the political management” is
much more than a semantic discussion: a fundamental choice is to be made if the
European idea and the European values will succeed both within and beyond EU
borders.
For example, in his State of the Union speeches in the European
Parliament (during 2012-13), the former Commission President Barroso stressed the
need to move towards a federation of nation states. He was putting forward this
idea at a time when the EU’s political horizon needed to tackle the challenges
of the future. One of the EU’s distinguished predecessors, Jacques Delors used
the term “federation” as well, and with the same rationale behind it.
Reference: José Manuel Barroso, President of the
European Commission, Speech at the Brussels Think Tank Dialogue, SPEECH/13/346,
22 April 2013.
In this regard the supplement to the book is quite pertinent; the book ends up with a translation (by M. Herslund) of the prominent Ernest Renan’s lecture at Sorbonne University in 1882, containing still valuable definitions of the nation, common will, and social capital. Quite notable, writes M. Herslund in the introduction to the translation, that Ernest Renan already at that time predicted that “European confederation in the future would replace nation-states” (p.216).
Conclusion
The
present dialogue on European individual and collective identity has never been
more important. Societies in Europe face fundamental
challenges; hence churches and
religions are among the actors that can play an important role in promoting
social cohesion and bridging divides. The spiritual leaders are becoming active
partners for the European Commission sharing their experience in fighting
against fundamentalism, discrimination and in building mutual trust and
understanding.
The EU
states can only defeat separatism, radicalism and fundamentalism if they stay
united. Therefore the dialogue between religions is crucial to defend social values;
European institutions should foster this dialogue not only at the level of
religious leaders and theological experts. Young people should be involved. The
member states shall invest more not only in economy but in the future of younger
generation. More research is needed on “youth policies”, which foster key
values such as peace, solidarity and respect of human dignity among future
generations and societies.
Under the Europe for Citizens Program 2014-2020, the Commission co-finances, with a total budget of € 185,5 million, projects raising awareness of European values, notably tolerance, mutual respect, rule of law and promoting civil society engagement.
A small
remark in this regard: standing on a “positive platform”, it is hardly feasible
to put a question mark in the book’s title: first, the European Communities ceased
to exist since February 1992, with the adoption of a new Maastricht Treaty, TEU.
Second, such a title shows the authors’ lack of awareness in the EU’s survival
as a homogeneous entity; while the whole book’s message is that the European
Union will survive and prosper if separatist trends fuelled by nationalistic
differences would cease to prevail.
It’s
becoming ever more important to show what unites people around common European
values and perspectives; it is an illusion that European issues could be
resolved at the national level as if they were external or foreign policy
issues.
However,
a lot of questions remain concerning solidarity, social cohesion and social
market economy, to name a few, which –no doubt –will be revealed by the authors
in the coming Series’ publications.
The
time is particularly ripe for that sort of analysis undertaken by the book’s
authors, concerning identities (particularly, the collective ones) and
conflicts in the EU.
The
issues of European identity, values and cultural paradigm, as well as
linguistic priorities, are of specific concern for the Baltic States. Therefore,
the book would serve as a good reference source for all those interested in the
subjects discussed - a kind of road-map in identity- if translated into
Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian languages.
Eugene Eteris, prof. European Studies Faculty, RSU, Latviа