Book review, Democracy , Economics, EU – Baltic States

International Internet Magazine. Baltic States news & analytics Friday, 19.04.2024, 18:21

Towards a shared European destiny: resolving identities and conflicts

Eugene Eteris, BC, Copenhagen, 24.06.2015.Print version
A collective manuscript, written by scientists from Copenhagen Business School, CBS (nine from the CBS and one from Southern Danish University) is a fundamental attempt by the Danish intellectuals to dwell on the importance of identity (in particular, a collective identity) in politics and cultural debates.

Among the EU states, Denmark is notoriously famous for numerous “reservations” in common European cooperative/integration efforts (e.g. in judicial and immigration sectors, in common defense and monetary spheres, alongside with the UK and Sweden, for the latter).


However, Denmark has been always the most active in numerous sectors of the EU’s socio-economic integration, being its member since 1973. Hence, the interest Danish scientists indulge in revealing deeper and inner roots in present European cultural integration through understanding of a European identity.


Quite true, modern EU’s efforts in “unification” require a more critical understanding of conflicts, of complex and ambiguous European past, as well as “Europe as an idea” in European versus national identities. The book, which is published in the series of Studies in European Cooperation, is a good CBS’ effort in understanding European narrative for the next steps in the EU integration.*) 


*) Europæiske faelleskaber? Identiter, fortællinger og konflikter i Europa. –Jurist og Økonomforbundets Forlag, Copenhagen, 2015.

(Eds. Baron I., Herslund M., & Humlebæk C.).-256 pp.

[English title: European Communities? Identities, Narratives and Conflicts in Europe].  

    

It seems apparent, that for the next decades, the European Union will be both more forward looking and more outward looking. The EU is deemed to serve as a powerful instrument for the European member states to unite their efforts in shaping globalisation’s process and in defending European common values.


The world is changing very fast and the EU states (often through the EU institutions) can play a fundamental role in shaping these changes. However, only united and with stronger common institutions, will they be able to tackle modern challenges: e.g. the aftermath of economic and financial crises, the resource scarcity and climate change, the world poverty and underdevelopment, etc. 


And more, together, the EU member states will also create better conditions to protect European shared values as well as keep, while reforming, a working European social market economic model and the most important features of the European way of life.


But all this is only possible in finding out the European identity; the authors of the book are showing most feasible prerequisites in finding such identities both for the whole region and for the individual states.  


Identity at a national and EU level

The present “critical time” in the EU could be analysed from numerous points; the authors have chosen “the identity” as a focal one. The approach could not be more correct: some recent books already underlined identity issue as a “contradictory theoretical burden” (R. Brubaker & F. Cooper, 2008) being widely used in both political and cultural debates.


Quite natural, homogeneous societies do not experience “identity problems”; it’s the legacy of multi-national and ethically-polarized societies. It is becoming understandable, for instance, that such “structural split” makes in some new EU states, e.g. in Latvia, the “collective identity” a politically problematic issue. The problem is depicted and analysed in the book’s first chapter exemplifying similar problems in Basks’ regions in Spain (p. 64-70) and Scots in the United Kingdom (p.43-62), etc. coped with ethnic, linguistic and cultural identities. 


The phenomenon is far from being resolved; it is clearly seen in the Baltic States, i.e. in particular, in Latvia with a solid share of Russian “minorities” (about 35% of total population).

More than that, identity is in reality a burning European issue: suffice it to say, that there is an EU member state with a genuinely unresolved 40-year conflict between the two “identities” (Greek & Turkish) in a small island, Cyprus. Regardless of an existing (so far) political will from both sides of the conflict, the differences are still irrevocable.


Fortunately, there are quite a few multi-national states in the EU: the latter few resolve “the problem” by referring to different forms of federalism and regional autonomy. 


By inaugurating “General Assembly of culture and thinking on Europe” (April 2013), the Commission tried to “acknowledge a sense of belonging to a (European) community, which is bigger than the nation or the region, a sense of shared European destiny”; both are to be achieved while drawing common rules and institutions.


Reference: Speech by President Barroso “A new narrative for Europe”, BOZAR/Brussels, 23 April 2013.


Identity within “center-periphery” issues

No doubt, it’s easier to resolve the “center-periphery” issue in the homogeneous states (like, e.g. in Denmark), though regional controversies do exist: however, they are of a different nature (development priorities, level of financing, taxation, etc.).


The authors are quite right, i.e. it is tremendously difficult to find a decision when placing the issue in the EU’s “democratic project” (chapter 2), with enormous complications involved in resolution and management. Obviously, historic reminiscences into the evolution of European Communities and the present European Union’s “democratic deficit” help to see the general trend, i.e. towards more democracy. But it’s a hell of difficult for the practical imposition of the principle both in the work of EU institutions and through the member states’ participation in the implementation process.


In this regard, the book raises an important agenda for future discussion: “Europe of states” vs. “Europe of nations”. Most of the existing states in Europe have been formed by the nation-state model (the statehood institutions followed the centuries-old nation’s formation), which has been true for such nation-states as the UK, France, Germany, Italy and other central European entities. 


Several Eastern European states, particularly the Baltic States, have experienced another historic process: initially, the statehood institutions “formalized” these statehood structures, with the nation-formation process being followed. One can say that these states are in the process of “collective identity’s” formation. Probably this historic transformation forms the background of all modern identity problems in this part of Europe.      


Conflicts through identity

The least elaborate issue –out of three mentioned in the book’s title, so-called “conflicts in Europe” is actually described in the third book’s chapter (pp. 137-177). Here the authors stick to the European identity “as a project between politics and culture”. Describing recent European Commission’s efforts during 2007-14 in overcoming democratic deficit in the EU-member states’ relations (p.173-176) the authors are arriving at a conclusion that the lack of “common European language” is the stumbling block in the European identity (p.177). It is highly unlikely the EU will reduce the number of official EU languages numbering 24 at present; some say that about a billion for translation in the EU is “the price for democracy” and national identity…


However, the language issues as both an actor and an agent in the “national presentation” are discussed in the 4th chapter.   


In this regard, it is well-worth mentioning that, for example, according to J. Habermas, the best way out of the EU’s “troubles” is the European citizens’ approach to the EU as a political community, which could permanently guarantee their fundamental social, political and civil rights in a democratic manner. 


He noted a few years ago, that experts seemed to agree on “the diagnosis of the deeper reasons for the crisis, i.e. the EU lacks the competences to bring about the necessary harmonization of the national economies” (Habermas J.,2012, p.3).


Habermas Jürgen. The Crisis of the European Union. A Response. 2012. English edition. Transl. – Polity Press, UK, 2012. –168 pp. The book was first published in German –Zur Verfassung Europas. Ein Essay, Verlag Berlin 2011. 


See my review in: eng/book_review/?doc=81367&ins_print.

 

At times, when Europe seems to shift between integration and fragmentation, there is a need for a clear view on European political plans, options and intentions. Thus, the EU leaders constantly underline that present European integration program has to show that “the political management” is much more than a semantic discussion: a fundamental choice is to be made if the European idea and the European values will succeed both within and beyond EU borders.


For example, in his State of the Union speeches in the European Parliament (during 2012-13), the former Commission President Barroso stressed the need to move towards a federation of nation states. He was putting forward this idea at a time when the EU’s political horizon needed to tackle the challenges of the future. One of the EU’s distinguished predecessors, Jacques Delors used the term “federation” as well, and with the same rationale behind it.


Reference: José Manuel Barroso, President of the European Commission, Speech at the Brussels Think Tank Dialogue, SPEECH/13/346, 22 April 2013.


In this regard the supplement to the book is quite pertinent; the book ends up with a translation (by M. Herslund) of the prominent Ernest Renan’s lecture at Sorbonne University in 1882, containing still valuable definitions of the nation, common will, and social capital. Quite notable, writes M. Herslund in the introduction to the translation, that Ernest Renan already at that time predicted that “European confederation in the future would replace nation-states” (p.216).    


Conclusion

The present dialogue on European individual and collective identity has never been more important. Societies in Europe face fundamental challenges; hence churches and religions are among the actors that can play an important role in promoting social cohesion and bridging divides. The spiritual leaders are becoming active partners for the European Commission sharing their experience in fighting against fundamentalism, discrimination and in building mutual trust and understanding.


The EU states can only defeat separatism, radicalism and fundamentalism if they stay united. Therefore the dialogue between religions is crucial to defend social values; European institutions should foster this dialogue not only at the level of religious leaders and theological experts. Young people should be involved. The member states shall invest more not only in economy but in the future of younger generation. More research is needed on “youth policies”, which foster key values such as peace, solidarity and respect of human dignity among future generations and societies.


Under the Europe for Citizens Program 2014-2020, the Commission co-finances, with a total budget of € 185,5 million, projects raising awareness of European values, notably tolerance, mutual respect, rule of law and promoting civil society engagement.

 

A small remark in this regard: standing on a “positive platform”, it is hardly feasible to put a question mark in the book’s title: first, the European Communities ceased to exist since February 1992, with the adoption of a new Maastricht Treaty, TEU. Second, such a title shows the authors’ lack of awareness in the EU’s survival as a homogeneous entity; while the whole book’s message is that the European Union will survive and prosper if separatist trends fuelled by nationalistic differences would cease to prevail.


It’s becoming ever more important to show what unites people around common European values and perspectives; it is an illusion that European issues could be resolved at the national level as if they were external or foreign policy issues.  


However, a lot of questions remain concerning solidarity, social cohesion and social market economy, to name a few, which –no doubt –will be revealed by the authors in the coming Series’ publications.


The time is particularly ripe for that sort of analysis undertaken by the book’s authors, concerning identities (particularly, the collective ones) and conflicts in the EU.


The issues of European identity, values and cultural paradigm, as well as linguistic priorities, are of specific concern for the Baltic States. Therefore, the book would serve as a good reference source for all those interested in the subjects discussed - a kind of road-map in identity- if translated into Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian languages.    



Eugene Eteris, prof. European Studies Faculty, RSU, Latviа






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